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Across the Revolutionary Divide: Russia and the USSR, by Theodore R. Weeks

By Theodore R. Weeks

Across the progressive Divide: Russia and the USSR 1861-1945 deals a huge interpretive account of Russian historical past from the emancipation of the serfs to the tip of worldwide battle II.<ul type="disc">* presents a coherent evaluation of Russia's improvement from 1861 via to 1945* displays the most recent scholarship by way of taking a thematic method of Russian background and bridging the ‘revolutionary divide’ of 1917* Covers political, fiscal, cultural, and daily life matters in the course of a interval of significant adjustments in Russian heritage* Addresses during the variety of nationwide teams, cultures, and religions within the Russian Empire and USSR* indicates how the novel regulations followed after 1917 either replaced Russia and perpetuated an fiscal and political tension that maintains to steer smooth society

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Extra info for Across the Revolutionary Divide: Russia and the USSR, 1861-1945 (Blackwell History of Russia)

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We have seen here some of the major transformations that occurred over the nine decades from 1861 to 1945 and have also noticed certain continuing problems and continuities. In the chapters that follow we will examine in more detail how these changes came about over time, who caused or suffered them, who won and who lost. It is a story at once exhilarating and melancholy, fascinating and repugnant, full of glorious deeds and terrible crimes, development and destruction. Let us embark. Chapter 1 Politics In the modern world, politics forms the backdrop – perhaps the skeleton – of everyday life.

Source: Photos 12 Collection/Alamy. disbanded, even for the evening, they would not be allowed to reconvene, delegates continued their discussions until early the next morning. m. ” The assembly was dissolved and, just as feared, not allowed to meet again. The Bolshevik party, not popular congresses, would decide Russia’s future. The most immediate problem facing the Bolsheviks was the war. 28 But Lenin could not dictate policy on his own, as subsequent events would show. Negotiations began at Brest-Litovsk (now on the Politics 37 Polish-Belarusian border) where the Bolshevik representatives were shocked at the draconian demands of the Germans.

The existence of serfdom, a form of unfree labor wherein peasants are not free to move and must give up a significant part of their labor and/or produce to the landowner, had long been seen as economically retrograde and morally repugnant. Liberal economists argued that serfdom (and unfree labor in general) stifled initiative and retarded economic development. Certainly industrial growth demanded a more fluid labor market than serfdom allowed. Many were disturbed by the moral implications of serfdom: arch-conservative Tsar Nicholas I (reigned 1825–55) reportedly feared divine retribution for presiding over such an immoral system, but at the same time dreaded the social upheaval that liberation might unleash.

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