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A Country Doctor's Notebook (Neversink) by Mikhail Bulgakov

By Mikhail Bulgakov

Half autobiography, half fiction, this early paintings by means of the writer of The grasp and Margarita shows a grasp on the sunrise of his craft, and a state divided by means of centuries of unequal progress.

In 1916 a 25-year-old, newly certified physician named Mikhail Bulgakov was once published to the distant Russian geographical region. He delivered to his place a degree and a whole loss of box event. And the demanding situations he confronted didn’t finish there: he was once assigned to hide an enormous and sprawling territory that was once as but unvisited via smooth conveniences equivalent to the motor automobile, the phone, and electrical lights.

The tales in A state Doctor’s Notebook are in response to this two-year window within the lifetime of the good modernist. Bulgakov candidly speaks of his personal emotions of inadequacy, and warmly and wittily conjures episodes comparable to peasants utilising medication to their outer garments instead of their dermis, and discovering himself charged with offering a baby—having merely examine the technique in textual content books.

Not but marked by means of the darkish myth of his later writing, this early paintings encompasses a reasonable and fantastically attractive narrative voice—the voice, certainly, of 20th century Russia’s maximum writer.
 

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Il est mis en avant pour plaire, non plus pour savoir. Du paradoxe moderne, retourné dans tous les sens par Marx, notamment dans ses livres sur la France, que la bourgeoisie est une classe économique dont la domination politique est par nature instable et menacée, Lénine ne veut plus rien savoir. Il ne voit que des apparences ou des duperies dans les affrontements politiques des partis bourgeois, qu'il s'agit de briser par la révolution prolétarienne dont il a forgé l'instrument. Anticapitalisme, révolution, parti, dictature du parti au nom du peuple, autant de thèmes qui se retrouvent dans le discours fasciste.

Pourtant, tout au long du XIXe siècle, l'adversaire d'hier, l'aristocrate, montre encore de beaux restes: c'est Bismarck qui fait l'unité allemande et Cavour l'unité italienne. Dans une grande mesure, les rois et les nobles de l'Europe conservent la haute main sur une évolution dont ils· redoutent le sens. Même en France, où l'ancienne société a été juridiquement détruite de fond en comble, et l'égalité civile instaurée de manière irréversible dès le 4 août 1789, la noblesse connaît de bien beaux jours après la chute de Napoléon.

Non que les vainqueurs, Clemenceau par exemple, n'aient pas un regard cynique (d'ailleurs superficiel) sur les forces et sur les frontières. Mais eux-mêmes enveloppent le principe des nationalités dans les garanties d'un nouvel ordre juridique international: l'abc du wilsonisme. Reste que l'autre visage de l'universel démocratique est celui de la révolution sociale, qu'Octobre 1917 vient incarner. Là est le secret de son rayonnement. Les événements de l'année 1917 en Russie, dès l'année suivante, au moment où les peuples d'Europe sortent de la guerre, ne sont quasiment plus des événements russes.

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